Adjacent villages – Carfin http://carfin.org.uk/ Sat, 04 Sep 2021 08:34:46 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.8 https://carfin.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/cropped-icon-32x32.png Adjacent villages – Carfin http://carfin.org.uk/ 32 32 In Afghanistan, an informal end and a dark beginning https://carfin.org.uk/in-afghanistan-an-informal-end-and-a-dark-beginning/ https://carfin.org.uk/in-afghanistan-an-informal-end-and-a-dark-beginning/#respond Sat, 04 Sep 2021 06:09:45 +0000 https://carfin.org.uk/in-afghanistan-an-informal-end-and-a-dark-beginning/

Almost 20 years have passed since Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda carried out the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States, and President George W. Bush announced that the United States would invade Afghanistan as the first act of a global war on terrorism. Now the United States is wondering how to define its relationship with the same Islamist leaders it overthrew in 2001 – again a matter of revenge or acceptance – and how to try to prevent the resurgence of any international terrorist threat. from Afghanistan.

Now there are smaller prospects of airstrikes in the Afghan countryside that leave anonymous, faceless deaths as data points in a colorful bar graph of a barely read United Nations report. No hastily buried roadside bombs in the dead of night that could strike a government vehicle or a minibus full of families.

Instead, there is widespread concern about the true form of the Taliban regime when Americans are truly gone. And there is the fear that the chaotic rush of government collapse during the Taliban’s advance will leave an irreparable economy, ruin and hunger.

The US conflict in Afghanistan was a long war with a quick end, or so it seemed. But the fate of the withdrawal was fixed more than 18 months ago, when the Trump administration signed an agreement with the Taliban to withdraw from the country by May 1, 2021. In return, the Taliban agreed to cease attack the Americans; end the massive attacks on Afghans in cities; and prevent Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups from finding refuge in the country.

Taliban influence, gained after years of fighting against the world’s most advanced army, multiplied as they captured more distant outposts and checkpoints, then villages and districts. rural areas, then the roads between them. Earlier this year, the Taliban had positioned itself near several key cities, as the newly inaugurated Biden administration debated whether to honor the deal made under President Donald J. Trump to leave.

By the time President Biden and NATO announced in April the withdrawal of US and coalition forces by September 11, the Taliban was already taking district after district. Afghan security forces surrendered or were shot down en masse. Soon, provincial capitals were also under siege, despite US air power and an Afghan army which Biden and other senior officials said numbered nearly 300,000. But in the past few days, Afghan security forces have only totaled about a sixth of that, according to US officials.

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Massive CTF demolition and unscrupulous eviction – Blueprint Newspapers Limited https://carfin.org.uk/massive-ctf-demolition-and-unscrupulous-eviction-blueprint-newspapers-limited/ https://carfin.org.uk/massive-ctf-demolition-and-unscrupulous-eviction-blueprint-newspapers-limited/#respond Wed, 01 Sep 2021 11:05:02 +0000 https://carfin.org.uk/massive-ctf-demolition-and-unscrupulous-eviction-blueprint-newspapers-limited/
Abuja City Gate

Strikingly, Abuja was originally designed to be better organized than the commercial capital, Lagos, which is considered one of the most chaotic cities in the world and described by former President Olusegun Obasanjo as a “jungle. “.

Although the majority of us in Lagos disagree with him. Unfortunately, plans for orderly development were abandoned by previous administrations, leading to the expansion of an unplanned urban subsidence on the outskirts of the city.

Fortunately, President Olusegun Obasanjo’s civil administration, as part of its obligation to return the city to its original master plan, has supported Nasir el-Rufai, his Federal Capital Territory minister, in the implementation of the Abuja master plan. Under el-Rufai, an allegory was created on the Abuja master plan to persuade people that the plan justified and required logical mass demolition and eviction. Painfully, it was a deliberate attack on the right to housing of hundreds of thousands of people. Massive demolitions and evictions, carried out between 2003 and 2007, resulted in the complete dismantling of houses in Abuja and neighboring villages.
It is interesting to note that in August 2012, the then Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Mohammed Adoke, in a letter advised the FCT and its then Minister Bala Mohammed , not to demolish houses in Mpape until a case is brought against the administration in the Federal High Court has been terminated.

Poignantly, nine years later, bulldozers invaded Quarry Town and the bustling town adjacent to Abuja’s upscale Maitama neighborhood, destroying over 2,000 illegal structures in the area.
According to the president, the FCT ministerial committee on the sanitation of the city, Ikharo Attah, the association of residents and owners of Mpape had begged the minister six months ago to come to their aid while illegal business activities had invaded the road corridors. Attah noted that the remediation and demolition was long overdue and targeted roadside slums and other unapproved buildings causing obstructions along the road.

Fortunately, the Nigerian news agency reports that the massive demolition and eviction also affected Lugbe-Across, Lugbe-Berger, Car Wash and Lugbe Zone 5, Iddo and other settlements and villages along the Giri road. -Gwangwalada near the University of Abuja.
Unfortunately, the massive demolitions and evictions are carried out with security personnel consisting of the Nigerian Police Force, the Nigeria Security and Civil Defense Corps, the Nigerian Army, the Immigration Service and the Nigeria Air Force, as well as the Abuja Environmental Protection Council and FCT Department. Development control.

In addition, FCTA Command and Control Secretary Peter Olumuji claimed that many of the demolished barracks and illegal structures were occupied by criminal elements. He said: “Mpape is home to the largest number of criminal elements and many criminal activities that residents complain about.”

Conversely, the description of the condition in Nigeria today is not acceptable. For crime is a national consequence of the systematic criminality of a political economy of “piracy”. The biggest criminals are the ogas themselves in the country. People become armed thieves because they do not have the opportunity to earn a living and girls prostitute themselves for the same reasons.
Worryingly, we must reject claims that it is only in slums, slums or semi-urban areas that criminals inhabit or breed. Via, our politically exposed intellectual in the corridor of power, and government officials.

Nigeria, in particular, is a peripheral predatory capitalism that clings in force. In our society, we have a morbid ambition to grab land. There are situations where people in a high position abuse their position and abuse the trust people place in them due to the accumulation of state resources. Likewise, the capitalist members of the Nigerian ruling elite are deliberately creating a shortage to line their pockets at the expense of ordinary people. Here you are confronted with civil servants and civil servants as well as political figures making their fortunes with the misfortunes of the poor.

Once again, we see political candidates getting rich and powerful at the cost of the groans, sweat and blood of millions of Nigerians. Moreover, in this chaotic jumble of conflicting interests, only men and women of the harsher stuff, the cunning and the ruthless always become the respected and powerful people of society since they can always use their position to punish the people. poor unscrupulous.

International standards and human rights jurisprudence are very clear on eviction and other issues relating to adequate housing. These include the International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. Article 43 of the Constitution states: “Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, every citizen of Nigeria has the right to acquire and own real estate anywhere in Nigeria. Article 37 states: “The privacy of citizens, their homes, their correspondence, telephone conversations and telegraphic communications is guaranteed and protected”. These provisions of the 1999 Constitution as amended contradict mass demolitions and evictions under articles prohibiting arbitrary expropriation of property and violation of the right to privacy of the home.
Sadly, the Nigerian state has destroyed hundreds of homes and businesses in waves of massive demolitions and evictions in Abuja, Lagos, Kaduna, Port Harcourt and many other cities, leaving thousands of poor people homeless.

At the same time, their right to adequate housing is violated by special government demolition groups. We believe that everyone deserves access to quality housing anchored in an affordable program. In the context and taking into account the acute housing shortage, the Nigerian state should allocate adequate resources. At this point, the CTF administration should responsibly provide assistance to victims of mass demolition and eviction.
Meanwhile, we call on the entire Nigerian state to comply with international standards on the right to adequate housing, to ensure that all law enforcement officials who assist in carrying out the evictions comply with comply with the United Nations Code of Conduct and the United Nations Basic Principles.

Olamilekan writes from Abuja via
[email protected]

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UP Government to Rename Sultanpur “Kush Bhavanpur”, Says Civic Body Chairman https://carfin.org.uk/up-government-to-rename-sultanpur-kush-bhavanpur-says-civic-body-chairman/ https://carfin.org.uk/up-government-to-rename-sultanpur-kush-bhavanpur-says-civic-body-chairman/#respond Sat, 28 Aug 2021 09:30:36 +0000 https://carfin.org.uk/up-government-to-rename-sultanpur-kush-bhavanpur-says-civic-body-chairman/

Sultanpur: Sultanpur City Council Chairman Babita Jaiswal said the government of Uttar Pradesh is preparing to rename the district of Sultanpur to Kush Bhavanpur after the son of Hindu deity Ram, Kush.

“A proposal to this effect was adopted at a council meeting on January 6, 2018 and was sent to the government,” Jaiswal said.

This is the latest for the governments of the Bharatiya Janata Party (and Central and Uttar Pradesh) to rename places, especially those with names bearing signs of Mughal rule in India.

In 2018, the Uttar Pradesh cabinet approved a proposal to rename Allahabad “Prayagraj”. Two weeks later, Adityanath announced that Faizabad district will be known as Ayodhya. In the same year, Mughalsarai station was renamed in honor of RSS ideologue Deen Dayal Upadhayaya.

A memorandum to change the name of the district was handed to Chief Minister Adityanath during his visit about three months ago and he had assured it would be done soon, Jaiswal said.

Vijay Singh Raghuvanshi, media manager for BJP MP for Sultanpur, Maneka Gandhi, said locals handed him a letter, asking for the name change from Sultanpur to Kush Bhavanpur. “She met with the CM regarding the request. The tax administration has also given the green light for the same, ”he said.

Sultanpur is adjacent to Ayodhya. It is believed to have been the capital of Dakshin Kosala during the Ramayana period.

Mythology goes that Ram “gave” Dakshin Kosala to his eldest son Kush, who established a new capital on the banks of Gomti, known as Kush Bhavanpur.

“The geographic repertoire and religious texts also refer to it,” Raghuvanshi said, saying Alauddin Khilji had named him Sultanpur.

Last year, an official from BJP’s Uttar Pradesh unit sought to change the name of the district from Ghazipur (in eastern Uttar Pradesh) to Gaadhipuri.

In 2018 alone, the Union government consented to the renaming of at least 25 towns and villages across India.

(With PTI inputs)

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The committee asks the assistant to the CM to abandon the Umngot Hydro project https://carfin.org.uk/the-committee-asks-the-assistant-to-the-cm-to-abandon-the-umngot-hydro-project/ https://carfin.org.uk/the-committee-asks-the-assistant-to-the-cm-to-abandon-the-umngot-hydro-project/#respond Tue, 24 Aug 2021 15:41:53 +0000 https://carfin.org.uk/the-committee-asks-the-assistant-to-the-cm-to-abandon-the-umngot-hydro-project/

Shillong: Concerned that the proposed Umngot hydropower project could negatively affect the tourism sector and agricultural activities near the Umngot River, stakeholders in these regions met with Meghalaya’s Chief Deputy Minister to urge him once again to abolish the UHEP.

Members of the Joint Action Committee (JAC) against UHEP have sued the government to abandon this project and so far there has been no assurance from the government.

Showing his support for JAC, Alan West, a renowned entrepreneur in the tourism sector, recalled that before 2013 the tourist season was limited to 6 months from April to September and the rest of the months were considered the dry season since ‘no tourists were there during the dry season.

“But after the 2013 scenario changed, we started receiving tourists during the off-season and only after exploring the Umngot River and with various activities in place. It is clear that the Umngot River has attracted tourists from all over the country, ”said Alan West.

Read also | Umngot scrap hydroelectric project: JAC in Meghalaya CM

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Villagers of Upar Konki Panchayat Kick Government Inactivity in Bridge Building https://carfin.org.uk/villagers-of-upar-konki-panchayat-kick-government-inactivity-in-bridge-building/ https://carfin.org.uk/villagers-of-upar-konki-panchayat-kick-government-inactivity-in-bridge-building/#respond Sun, 22 Aug 2021 18:06:00 +0000 https://carfin.org.uk/villagers-of-upar-konki-panchayat-kick-government-inactivity-in-bridge-building/

Gambling their lives to reach the adjacent market by crossing a river on foot, even after many promises from politicians, the villagers residing in Upar Konki Panchayat in Jharkhand consider themselves undervalued as they do not have a bridge to cross the river. Lakari nearby. The village is nestled 20 km from the state capital of Jharkhand, Ranchi.

The Lakari River (also known as the Rahra River) divides the Rahra and Upar Konki panchayats, constituting eight villages – Katariya Bera, Baira Bera, Surban, Udal Bera, Mundkam Piri, Piri Tola, Mahua Jara and Rana Gara.

The villagers deplore the difficulties of access to the minimum amenities of life

Residents of the panchayat lamented that the villagers, who are largely tribals, face enormous difficulties in accessing basic living amenities like markets, hospitals, schools and colleges.

According to the villagers, they reach the nearest Pithoria market in just 30 minutes if they cross the river, taking all the hardships, on foot. Katariya village tribe member Kariya Munda said, “It takes half an hour to reach the market if we cross the river. This is the shortest way. If we take the other route, it will take us another 3 to 4 hours to reach the same market.

No other alternative than to stay at home during the monsoon

Meanwhile, when the river swells during the monsoon, the villagers have no choice but to stay in their homes. Some, however, out of sheer desperation, venture to reach the market by crossing the waters.

Another villager, Surender Gope, said: “During the monsoon, if we go to the market, we prefer to stay with someone in Rahra or Pithoria. We don’t try to cross the river until the river calms down. the essentials, medicine and education by crossing the river which is very dangerous during the monsoon. “

Munda added that the water level reaches up to 6-7 feet during the monsoon and it becomes extremely difficult to cross the river during the rainy season.

Patients are transported on burlap bags for medical emergencies

In an intense manifestation of desperation, villagers complained of transporting patients on jute beds in Tadapur (near Pithoria) during a medical crisis. They rent a rickshaw or board a bus to the nearby hospital. Another resident of Katariya village, Samu Munda said: “In a medical emergency, we transport a patient on a jute bed to Tadapur. From there we take the bus or rickshaw to the hospital.

The villagers also deplored that the authorities carried out soil tests five years ago and that there were no results. Expressing their concern about this, the villagers claimed that people are not ready to marry eligible people residing in the panchayat due to the lack of connectivity with the nearby town.

Sarpanch berates administration for “shutting down”

Sarpanch of Upar Kanki’s panchayat Sushila Kachhap berated the same and said more than 3,000 people are affected due to the lack of a bridge in the area. He also said that the issue had been raised several times before the government and that video footage of the investigation had also been sent to the administration.

(With entries from ANI)

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Opportunity strikes as census reveals greater racial diversity in many Cleveland suburbs: H. Richard Obermanns https://carfin.org.uk/opportunity-strikes-as-census-reveals-greater-racial-diversity-in-many-cleveland-suburbs-h-richard-obermanns/ https://carfin.org.uk/opportunity-strikes-as-census-reveals-greater-racial-diversity-in-many-cleveland-suburbs-h-richard-obermanns/#respond Sun, 22 Aug 2021 09:21:47 +0000 https://carfin.org.uk/opportunity-strikes-as-census-reveals-greater-racial-diversity-in-many-cleveland-suburbs-h-richard-obermanns/

SHAKER HEIGHTS, Ohio – Now that the U.S. Census has released its decennial population count for Cuyahoga County, including data on the racial makeup of communities in suburban Cleveland, how does the 2020 census update our long-standing reputation as one of the nation’s most racially segregated metropolises? And why is this important?

In 1960, some 98% of African Americans in Cuyahoga County were confined to the city of Cleveland, mostly on the East Side. The turbulent 1960s saw organization, protests, and resistance over segregation in housing, schools, and employment, and the beginnings of African-American migration from Clevelander to the suburbs. Some were “greeted” by terrorist bombings, burning of sacrilegious crosses or other forms of harassment, while others were directed to areas already integrated by estate agents or said the the apartment they were looking for had just “been rented”.

Following the assassination of Reverend Martin Luther King Jr., Congress and President Lyndon Johnson approved the Federal Fair Housing Act (US Civil Rights Act of 1968). The initial implementation of the law, coinciding approximately with the 1970 census, makes this earlier count a baseline against which the effects of the Fair Housing Act itself, and related litigation and efforts companies, governments and nonprofits that it spurred on, can possibly be evaluated half a century later.

What does the new data show? (Note that the data is for those who responded “Black or African-American alone” to the census, as reported by the College of Urban Affairs at Cleveland State University, and excludes Asian, Hispanic / Latinos, other races, or multiracial in the census.)

Cuyahoga County’s overall population of 1,264,817 in 2020 is 29% African American (compare the Ohio and US populations to 12% African Americans, based on monoracial responses to the census).

· In 1970, 12% of African American residents in Cuyahoga County lived in the suburbs. Today, 51% of the county’s 370,895 African-Americans (or 190,671 people) are commuters. Factoring in the Cleveland suburbs in adjacent counties, particularly Western Lake and North Summit counties, pushes this suburb share even higher. The typical Clevelander, whether black or white, is now a commuter.

Consultant H. Richard Obermanns was research director for the Cuyahoga Plan of Ohio, a metropolitan fair housing organization.

· In 1970, only three suburban cities – East Cleveland, Shaker Heights, and Warrensville Heights – had populations that were at least 5% African American. Now, every town in the eastern suburbs of Cuyahoga County, except one, has a population of at least 5% African-Americans; and in all but two, at least 10% African-Americans. Many villages in the eastern suburbs (municipalities with less than 5,000 inhabitants) are now just as diverse.

· Today’s African-American suburbs reside primarily in racially diverse communities – defined here as between 10% and 89% African-Americans. Only 13% live in the two eastern suburbs, which today have a population of 90% or more African-American; and 9% live in places where less than one in ten is African American, that is, where they are still very much in the minority. This is particularly the case west of the Cuyahoga River.

· This story of suburban racial diversification remains above all a story of the eastern suburbs. African-American commuters are still the majority (91%) East Siders – 173,780 people. Even so, 16,891 (9%) of all African American commuters are located and have often decided to relocate to communities in West Cuyahoga County.

While no western suburban community has a population of at least 10% African American, four cities – Brooklyn, Berea, Parma Heights, and Lakewood – have populations of at least 5% Afro. – Americans. Like these cities, Parma and Strongsville each have at least 1,000 African American residents.

Why is this important?

The legacy of slavery, Jim Crow, and racial discrimination in housing continues to cast a shadow over our country and Greater Cleveland. Even tentative signs of its lifting, in part thanks to the federal Fair Housing Act and continued efforts to enforce it, are welcome.

The census data reported here reflects the location choices, whether relatively limited or free, made by thousands of Great Clevelanders based on their means over the past decade and decades before. They can open up new opportunities for access to better quality housing, safer streets, better schools, proximity to work, convenient shopping, more responsive public services – things that are sought after by the public. Most commuters – for African Americans as well as other housing seekers, but positive such results are neither described nor guaranteed by census data.

The real stories will be told in the lived experiences of new and old residents of these communities. The future of Greater Cleveland will depend on how these shared opportunities are used.

H. Richard Obermanns is a consultant to foundations and nonprofit organizations and was research director of the Cuyahoga Plan of Ohio, a metropolitan fair housing organization.

Do you have something to say on this subject?

* Send a letter to the editor, which will be considered for the print publication.

* Email general questions about our Editorial Board or comments or corrections on this Opinion Column to Elizabeth Sullivan, Opinion Director, at esullivan@cleveland.com.

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No patronage, only a level playing field https://carfin.org.uk/no-patronage-only-a-level-playing-field/ https://carfin.org.uk/no-patronage-only-a-level-playing-field/#respond Wed, 11 Aug 2021 01:45:15 +0000 https://carfin.org.uk/no-patronage-only-a-level-playing-field/
By Albert Thyrniang

It’s no small feat that Kevinstrong Lawriniang of Mairang in West Khasi Hills won the SSLC 2021 exam by beating all of the state’s elite institutions. Coming from the humblest of backgrounds to record the fulfillment of a life makes it more special. The second position was also obtained by Wanteibok Pator from Mookaiaw. There were also inspiring stories of how the students excelled despite the challenges arising from the pandemic. A student in the top 10 recounted how she had to share online lessons with her other four siblings using the same cell phone.
As it is the Olympic season, we have to share the successes of Tokyo. Mirabai Chanu of Manipur, the first Indian medalist to win silver in the 49kg women’s weightlifting, had to travel 50 km a day by truck to and from her training site. The Olympian who eats on the floor of her kitchen honored the truck drivers on their return from the “Land of the Rising Sun”. Boxer Lovlina Borgohain, who won a bronze medal in the welterweight women, is from the village of Bara Mukhia in the Golaghat district of Assam did not have a motorable road to her home. The greatest history maker is javelin thrower Neeraj Chopra who became the first Indian to win a gold medal in athletics at the Olympic Games and only the second Indian individual gold medalist in Olympic history. The 23-year-old is the son of a farmer from a village in Haryana.
The revival of India Hockey is also making headlines. The men’s hockey team won its first Olympic medal after 41 years, the last being the Moscow gold medal in 1980. The women’s team horribly missed the medal podium, but won many hearts for its display scintillating.
We are witnessing these exploits on an equal footing. The competitions are on an equal footing. The winners emerged purely on merit. So Mairang and Mookaiaw could leave Shillong and Tura behind. The “coup” should help debunk the myth that rural students can’t shine. It irritates me when the “educators” themselves say “the children in the village cannot learn the computer, cannot speak English and cannot compete with their counterparts in the city”. This writer has had the privilege of supervising the rank holders in two institutions. In both cases, the binders came from rural areas. The level of knowledge, skills, competences and achievements does not depend on the place of origin. All children are born with equal abilities. It is the opportunity that determines their growth, development, career and future. If opportunities arise, the Lawriniang, Mirabais, Lovlinas, Neerajs, hockey games and athletes will surface from any corner. Academic excellence and sports medals and trophies can come from unexpected backgrounds. Given the opportunity, stars can be produced from anywhere.
Does equal opportunity exist in education and elsewhere? We noted that Mairang’s pupil triumphed over the candidates of the most famous schools in the city. But Mairang is not an unknown place. It is not an unknown city. It is a thriving center. It will be the capital of a new district. If applicants from obscure hamlets honor merit lists, then we can say that education in the state has come of age. If institutions in remote villages are producing first divisionals or achieving one hundred percent results, then education in the state has matured. But this scenario will not be a reality in our lifetime because in the villages, the infrastructure is pitiful, teacher absenteeism is at an all-time high and “contract” teaching is rampant. There are rural primary schools (classes IV) with a single teacher. There are schools without math and science teachers most of the year. How to ask them to compete with schools whose teachers have rest periods? How can they compete with schools with qualified and trained teachers? There is no level playing field.
If a full analysis is performed, South West Garo Hills (23.01%), South Garo Hills (27.50%), North Garo Hills (27.88%), West Garo Hills (34.63%) and East Garo Hills (35.10%) performed poorly in this order because educational opportunities were denied to their students and certainly not due to inferior intelligence of the students! On the other hand, the reason for West Khasi Hills (58.28%), Ri Bhoi (62.40%), South West Khasi Hills (70.78%), East Khasi Hills (71.97%), West Jaintia Hills (73.41%) and East Jaintia Hills (85.09%) doing well is due to better opportunities and not to higher abilities of their students.
Are we providing a level playing field in society? Are we promoting fairness? Do we consider merit above all else? Do other considerations come into play in a clandestine but visible way? Are we trying to gain an unfair advantage over others? Are power, money and influence the deciding factors? Do we post our privileges to gain benefits? Are we misusing religion, race, caste and gender? The party that won the 2014 and 2018 general elections exploits religion to revealing effects, with the main leaders polarizing the entire electorate. The current regime would have prompted judges to bail it out with favorable judgments guaranteeing quid pro quo appointments after retirement. The elections are noticeably won with the help of the Election Commission and the propaganda media. Pegasus is illegally spied on on opposition leaders, journalists and activists for covert access to information. Draconian laws, investigative agencies and law enforcement agencies are used selectively against opponents. The elimination of fairness is the mission.
In his swearing-in speech which was posted on Youtube and Facebook, the current president of KSU recounts how job seekers are approaching him. When asked about the reasons if they had the necessary skills and qualifications, they revealed that they didn’t know any influential person and didn’t have the ten / fifteen lakhs to land the dream job. Thus, government jobs in Meghalaya are for the highest bidder with nepotism.
One of the MPs from southwest Khasi Hills reportedly said young people should depend on themselves and not on political patronage for jobs. However, he was surprised with a text message mistakenly sent to another Whatsapp group where he asked his supporters to apply for vacant positions in government departments. So it is clear that the words and actions do not match. Merit went for a toss and thrown out the window. The ruling class controls the government’s “labor market”.
The proliferation of illegal coke factories under Sutnga Elaka in East Jaintia Hills cannot happen without a traditional link between leaders, bureaucrats and politicians. The trick that got the job done is money, bribes, corruption, and personal interests. One of the owners is an MDA government minister. How did the 32 coking plants, which have become dangerous to health, obtain the authorization of the one-stop shop under the presidency of the Prime Minister himself to install units adjacent to human habitats? How can the illegal and polluting “chimneys” function to literally stifle the breath of the villagers? Why have we welcomed businessmen exiled from Arunachal Pradesh with open arms to pollute and damage our environment? Who benefits from this nefarious deal? How dare the factories not to comply with the closing orders of the Deputy Commissioner of July 15? Who are the owners linked to? Why was the CD unable to sanction the non-compliance? The government is teaching citizens this: “You can even do questionable business as long as you have the right connections.”
What follows is a brazen and blatant disregard for the law. Coke factories were able to secure an uninterrupted supply of raw material – coal amid a mining ban by the Supreme Court. Wasn’t NGT aware of this? Was the district administration blind? Did the police look away? Was the state government ignorant? Why did the tribunal not take cognizance of the multiple reports of illegal coke factories on the motorcycle? The coke and coal illegalities, scam and favoritism in MeECL are public lessons about the lack of fairness in the state.
It is astonishing that the income support for the poor promised at the start of the pandemic almost two years ago has still not been accelerated. This requires relentless monitoring by Thma U Rangli-Juki (TUR) to hope that beneficiaries actually receive the meager Rs 2,100 intended for the 2019 lockdown. Without civil society, it would have been an undetected “pandemic scam” that enriches few pockets. This is a classic example of the poor taken for granted and exploited by the powerful.
One group alleged special treatment to the BJP. The Saffron Party was allowed to hold political meetings during the pandemic in the presence of a secretary general in Shillong and Nongpoh, even bypassing deputy commissioners and exceeding the participant limit. Apparently there would have been no subsequent censorship for the violations. If the BJP is allowed to hold political rallies while the coronavirus is raging, why not for other parties? If in Laban’s meeting the violators are not punished, why are others fined elsewhere for the same offense? We demand equality as a right!
[email protected]

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On the shadow wars in the West Bank – Middle East Monitor https://carfin.org.uk/on-the-shadow-wars-in-the-west-bank-middle-east-monitor/ https://carfin.org.uk/on-the-shadow-wars-in-the-west-bank-middle-east-monitor/#respond Mon, 09 Aug 2021 12:36:00 +0000 https://carfin.org.uk/on-the-shadow-wars-in-the-west-bank-middle-east-monitor/

There is an ongoing, but hidden, Israeli war against the Palestinians that is seldom highlighted or even known. It is a water war that has been brewing for decades.

On July 26 and 27, two separate but intrinsically linked events took place in the Ein Al-Hilweh area, in the occupied Jordan Valley, and near the town of Beita, south of Nablus.

In the first incident, Jewish settlers from the illegal Maskiyot settlement began construction of the Ein Al-Hilweh spring, which has been a source of fresh water for villages and hundreds of Palestinian families in this area. The seizure of the source has been developing for months, all under the watchful eye of the Israeli occupation army.

Now, the source of Ein Al-Hilweh, like most of the land and water resources of the Jordan Valley, is annexed by Israel.

Less than 24 hours later, Shadi Omar Salim, a Palestinian municipal worker, was killed by Israeli soldiers in the town of Beita. The IDF quickly issued a statement which, as one might expect, blamed the Palestinian for his own death.

The Palestinian victim approached the soldiers in a “threatening manner,” while holding “what appeared to be an iron bar,” before being shot, the IDF said.

If the “iron bar” claim was true, it could be related to the fact that Salim was a water technician. Indeed, the Palestinian worker was about to open the pipes that supply Beita and other adjacent areas.

Beita, who has witnessed much violence in recent weeks, faces an existential threat. An illegal Jewish settlement, called Givat Eviatar, is being built on top of Palestinian mountain Sabih, in Arabic, Jabal Sabih. As usual, every time a Jewish settlement is built, the lives and livelihoods of Palestinians are threatened. Thus, the ongoing Palestinian protests in the region.

Beita’s struggle is a representation of the Palestinian struggle at large: unarmed civilians struggling against a colonial state that ultimately wishes to replace a Palestinian village or town with a Jewish settlement.

There is another side of what can be considered a typical story, where the IDF and Jewish settlers work together to ethnically cleanse Palestinians: Mekorot. The latter is an Israeli state-owned water company that literally steals Palestinian water and sells it back to Palestinians at an exorbitant price.

READ: Residents of Beita will use all means to keep their land free, ”says Palestinian activist

Unsurprisingly, Mekorot also operates near Beita. The Palestinian worker, Salim, was killed because his job of providing water to the residents of Beita was a direct threat to Israeli colonial designs in that area.

Let’s put this in a larger context. Israel not only occupies Palestinian land, it also systematically usurps all of its resources, including water, in flagrant violation of international law which guarantees the basic rights of an occupied nation.

The occupied West Bank gets most of its water from the mountain aquifer, which is divided into three smaller aquifers: the western aquifer, the eastern aquifer, and the northeast aquifer. In theory, Palestinians have plenty of water, at least enough to meet the minimum required water allowance of 102 to 120 liters per day, as recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO). In practice, however, this is hardly the case. Unfortunately, most of the water in these aquifers is directly appropriated by Israel. Some call it “water capture”; The Palestinians call it, more precisely, “theft”.

A Palestinian Suleyman al-Hadhalin reacts to Israeli forces as a heavy machine accompanied by Israeli forces demolishes a mosque and a water well under construction in Hebron, West Bank, January 27, 2021. [Mamoun Wazwaz – Anadolu Agency]

While in Israel per capita daily water consumption is estimated at 300 liters, illegal Jewish settlers in the West Bank consume more than 800 liters per day. The latter figure becomes even more scandalous when compared to the meager amount a Palestinian enjoys, that of 70 liters per day.

This problem is accentuated in the so-called “Area C” in the West Bank, for a reason. “Area C” represents almost 60% of the total land area of ​​the West Bank and, unlike “Areas A” and “B”, it is the least populated. It is mostly fertile land and includes the Jordan Valley, known as the “breadbasket of Palestine”.

Despite the fact that the Israeli government decided in 2020 to postpone its formal annexation of this area, a de facto annexation has been in effect for years. The illegal appropriation of the Ein Al-Hilweh spring by illegal Jewish settlers is part of a larger ploy that seeks to appropriate the Jordan Valley, one dunum, one spring and one mountain at a time.

Of the more than 150,000 Palestinians living in “Area C”, nearly 40% – more than 200 communities – suffer from a “severe shortage of drinking water”. This shortage can be filled if Palestinians are allowed to drill new wells, expand existing wells, or use modern technologies to allocate other sources of fresh water. Not only does the Israeli army forbid them to do so, but even rainwater is forbidden to Palestinians.

Israel even controls rainwater harvesting in most of the West Bank, and rainwater harvesting cisterns belonging to Palestinian communities are often destroyed by the IDF.

an Amnesty International report, published in 2017, concluded.

The situation has worsened since then, especially as the idea of ​​formally annexing a third of the West Bank has gained broad support within the Knesset and Israeli society. Now, every movement of the IDF and Jewish settlers in the West Bank is directed towards this end, by controlling the land and its resources, denying Palestinians access to their means of survival and, ultimately, keeping them. ethnically cleanser completely.

The Beita protests continue, despite the heavy price paid. Last June, a 15-year-old boy, Ahmad Bani Shamsa, was killed when an Israeli army bullet hit him in the head. At the time, Defense for Children International-Palestine issued a statement claiming that Bani-Shamsa posed no threat to the IDF.

The truth is that it is Beita who is under constant threat from Israel, along with the Jordan Valley, “Area C”, the West Bank and all of Palestine. The demonstration in Beita is a demonstration for land rights, water rights and basic human rights. Bani Shamsa and, later, Salim, were killed in cold blood simply because their protests were mere irritants to the grand design of colonial Israel.

The irony of it all is that Israel seems to love everything about Palestine: the land, the resources, the food, and even the fascinating history, but not the indigenous Palestinians themselves.

The opinions expressed in this article are the property of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

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Governor Abbott turns to Chief Buc-ee to help fix ERCOT https://carfin.org.uk/governor-abbott-turns-to-chief-buc-ee-to-help-fix-ercot/ https://carfin.org.uk/governor-abbott-turns-to-chief-buc-ee-to-help-fix-ercot/#respond Sat, 07 Aug 2021 00:23:33 +0000 https://carfin.org.uk/governor-abbott-turns-to-chief-buc-ee-to-help-fix-ercot/

ERCOT, the Electric Reliability Council of Texas, is the largest electricity grid in Texas and is fully controlled by the State of Texas.

As you may remember, ERCOT has experienced some major issues over the past few years. The most important being the blackouts and blackouts during the record winter storm of last February.

In the aftermath of the deadly winter storm, many elected officials, including Governor Greg Abbott, pledged to fix ERCOT. One of the first changes to ERCOT was the passage of several bills during this year’s legislative session to change the composition of the ERCOT board.

After the adoption of Senate Bills 2 and SB 3 at the end of May, a selection committee was created to appoint future members of the ERCOT board of directors.

The selection committee would appoint eight of the 11 board members. The Selection Committee consists of only three people, one appointed by the Governor, one appointed by the Lieutenant Governor and the third member of the Selection Committee appointed by the Speaker of the House.

Governor Abbott announced the appointment of Arch “Beaver” Aplin to the ERCOT selection committee on Friday. “Beaver” Aplin is the Chairman and CEO of Buc-ee’s and the current Chairman of the Texas Parks and Wildlife Commission.

If you’re unfamiliar with Buc-ee’s, the company is a chain of convenience stores in the south known for their extremely clean restrooms, large locations with large, well-lit parking lots, and 24-hour operation.

While there is currently no Buc-ee in West Texas, if you are traveling along I-35 or I-45 corridors, or entering Dallas / Fort Worth, you will come across a Buc-ee on a main highway.

Every Buc-ee is almost like a miniature town in the way the shops work. Gas, food, and supplies are constantly shipped to each location, and staff strive to keep stores spotless 24 hours a day.

If you pick someone to try and keep the lights on in Texas, you might as well get advice from the man who runs Buc-ee.

Aplin, and the two other members of the ERCOT selection committee, will receive input from an external consultant, while appointing the members of the ERCOT board of directors.

Nine of the 11 members of ERCOT’s reconstituted board of directors would be voting members.

If you’ve never seen Buc-ee’s, here’s a video that shows the largesse of their locations.

WATCH: Here are the best lakeside towns to live in

Most of the cities included jump out to casual observers as popular summer rental spots – Branson of the Ozarks, Missouri, or Lake Havasu in Arizona – it might surprise you to dive deeper into some of the quality of life offerings in the area. beyond the beach and vacation homes. You will likely gain knowledge in a wide range of Americana: one of the last 1950s-style drive-ins in the Midwest; a town in Florida that started out as a retreat for Civil War veterans; an island with some of the best public schools in the country and wealthy people smack in the middle of a lake between Seattle and Bellevue; and even a Californian town containing much more than the blues of Johnny Cash’s prison.

Inside the Texas $ 8 Million Fried Chicken Sports Bar

The 36 best action shots from every Patrick Mahomes playoff game

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Three decades later, justice escapes the Dalits of Tsunduru | Latest India News https://carfin.org.uk/three-decades-later-justice-escapes-the-dalits-of-tsunduru-latest-india-news/ https://carfin.org.uk/three-decades-later-justice-escapes-the-dalits-of-tsunduru-latest-india-news/#respond Fri, 06 Aug 2021 18:36:01 +0000 https://carfin.org.uk/three-decades-later-justice-escapes-the-dalits-of-tsunduru-latest-india-news/

An hour’s drive from the town of Tenali on the coast of Andhra Pradesh, Tsunduru is an idyllic village surrounded by lush rice fields. But a few steps bring the visitor face to face with an indescribable mound of black earth overgrown with shrubs and piles of rubbish – a reminder of the macabre history of the village.

Weed and the graves show up, eight of them side by side with a sign in the background that reads, “Johar, Tsunduru Dalitha Mrutha Veerulaku” (A Tribute to the Dalit Martyrs of Tsunduru). Below, a question for the visitor in Telugu: if all the killers are innocent, who is responsible for this carnage?

This makeshift memorial, known as the Raktha Kshetram (Place of Blood), testifies to one of the worst anti-Dalit massacres since independence. Early on the morning of 6 August 1991, members of the Reddy and Kapu communities reportedly attacked the local Mala community, a Dalit sub-caste, with sticks, axes, knives and weapons.

Dalits fleeing to nearby forests were hunted down, beaten, their lifeless bodies stuffed in jute bags and thrown into the Tungabhadra canal that runs through the village. A team from the local police station reportedly kept watch and observed the attack on Dalitwada (colony). Eight men died instantly and three others died of their injuries later, one of whom was reportedly the target of police fire.

The bloody crime sent shockwaves through a country on the cusp of liberalization and a whole generation was shaken. But back in Tsunduru, the besieged Mala community braced for a long struggle, uniting to build a movement from the ground up and determined not to let caste hostility hamper their economic and social progress.

Thirty years have passed since. Today, a new generation of Dalits is leading the outbreak: the roughly 750 Mala families have their children in schools and colleges, and many have moved to the nearby towns of Tenali, Guntur and even Vijayawada.

“The Dalits in the village have come a long way in the past 30 years and live with their heads held high, but the wounds are not healing yet. They continue to rage unless we get final justice, ”said Jaladi Moses, 47, whose father Jaladi Mathaiah and uncle Jaladi Immanuel were among the eight killed.

Many young Dalit men and women have found employment in government services, as clerks, teachers, agents, bank officers and even software engineers. Protected from the daily discrimination that their parents and grandparents took for granted, they flourished and built a life for themselves. With the money and confidence of secure employment, many Mala families built houses and cleaned up roads and sewers.

The dilapidated Dalit settlement has now evolved into a separate panchayat named Ambedkar Nagar, a statue of the reformer and constitutional drafter BR Ambedkar towering over their rooftops – in itself a signal of defiance and new-found confidence.

“The approximately 750 Dalit families, who worked as farm laborers and sharecroppers in the fields of the upper castes, all received farmland ranging from half an acre to an acre, in addition to houses in the surrounding villages. “said Suresh, a local Dalit leader.

Politics is a key source of power in India, and ruling caste communities often feel secure in significant political representation.

But in Tsunduru, Dalits have also become politically active. And what helped them is that the constituency of the Vemuru assembly, of which Tsunduru is a part, is reserved for registered castes, and now represented by Congressman YSR Merugu Nagarjuna. Anyone in the locality, even if they are from the dominant caste, should come to him for any job – a source of pride for the local Mala community.

There is also a noticeable change among young Dalits, the majority of whom are well educated and have jobs. “In the old days, there was a two-glass system in tea stalls and restaurants (one glass for advanced castes and the other for Dalits). We never used to walk their streets with shoes on. But now the young people go to restaurants and sit next to the upper caste, ”said Moses.

The Mala community of Tsunduru has succeeded in galvanizing the entire state for their legal fight. The legal team received contributions from all over the state and the case became a milestone in the state’s civil liberties history, with protests staged in many cities, including the capital Hyderabad. Much of this work was done by senior lawyer and Dalit activist Bojja Tharakam, who died in 2016.

Residents have been helped by the state government, which has developed sub-plans for the listed castes, making separate budget allocations that cannot be transferred to other departments. In addition, land was allocated to many SC families without the multi-year delays that are common in other states, and a network of boarding schools, colleges, and colleges exclusively for Dalit students helped spread the word. education within the community.

“The Tsunduru Dalits managed to make the incident a national problem. Dalit organizations and social activists from across the country visited the village and raised awareness. The government was forced to set up a boarding school and college in the village, which allowed more and more Dalits to get an education. Today, nearly 80 percent of Tsunduru Dalits are educated and work as teachers, lecturers, bank officers, government employees and even software engineers. This was only possible thanks to the sustained struggle of the Dalits, ”said Suresh, the local activist.

But prosperity has not completely erased the old fault lines. A road in the middle of Tsunduru separates the Dalit colony from that of the dominant castes. “The limit still remains now,” added Suresh.

The ruling castes say they have evolved. “It was one of those unfortunate events. Why do you want to pick it up again? Was the response of an upper caste man, whose father was one of the people named in the indictment as the accused.

The fate of the court case continues to shake up older men and women in the Mala community. Many of them say they witnessed the carnage and continue to fight the trauma. “The police shot my youngest son in front of me just because he spoke out against the murders. My wife has become mentally disturbed. What pains us is that the court acquitted the police who killed my son, ”said K Raja Rao, son of Anil Kumar, in whose memory the Dalits built a stupa next to his house.

Local villagers say the immediate argument was sparked by a skirmish in the local movie theater: the feet of a Dalit boy had touched a Reddy woman; the village condemned this and ended the boycott of the Mala community, a majority of which are Christians. Tension mounts over the following days, culminating in the killings of August 6.

Sustained advocacy over the next three years prompted the administration to set up a specially constituted trial court for the Tsunduru massacre and the trial began in December 1994. Of the 219 people from the Reddy and Kapu communities who Charged with murder and under the SC / ST Atrocity Prevention Act, 33 people died during the 13-year trial. The trial court handed down its judgment in July 2007, sentencing 21 defendants to life imprisonment and 35 to one year in prison.

The defendants challenged the verdict of the special court in the high court in Hyderabad, which acquitted them all in 2014 after hearing the case for nearly seven years, citing insufficient evidence. During this protracted trial, prominent lawyers and human rights activists such as KG Kannabiran, K Balagopal and B Chandrasekhar died of ill health.

“We moved the Supreme Court, which suspended HC’s order. The case is still confined to the courtroom, ”said lead lawyer Y Koteshwar Rao, who was one of the advocates in the Tsunduru victims case. The case is still pending before the Supreme Court.

Anger boils in Tsunduru over the fate of the trial. “The High Court acquitted the accused on technical grounds – such as the lack of clarity on the timing of the deaths, the delay in filing a complaint with the police, inconsistencies in the testimony of witnesses. But eight Dalits were killed; who killed them? asked Moses.

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